I am a South African and I refuse to ashamed

I am a South African and I refuse to be ashamed.

Of course we cannot feel pride for what we witnessed in Alexandra in the last couple of weeks. Hanging our heads in shame and writing lamentations will not change what has happened. We could express our dissatisfaction at what appeared to be a lack of leadership. We could even say that Thabo Mbeki spoke up too late. But the real problem are those who among us have sat quietly while they heard people call foreigners names, accusing them of blanket stereotypes. Our silence allowed for this wave of violence.
We are all to blame.
The best thing that could have happened to South Africa are these xenophobic attacks. In fact, I can name a few other crises that we face that could be good for the nation. Electricity cuts, crime, murder, possible water shortages, skills shortages, emigration, the racial attacks such as the ones we experienced at the Free State University. These are just some of the great obstacles we are facing us as a nation. And I think that it is fantastic. In case most think that this is a rather lame attempt at sarcasm, I assure you, it is not. I am being very serious because we need to wake up.
This is an opportunity for us to stand up together and tackle the difficulties we have put ourselves in. To blame external forces would allow us to relinquish our control over what we can do to overcome. It is precisely because Mugabe abdicated responsibility for the land mess in Zimbabwe that that nation is now on life support. It is true that Britain reneged on certain agreements, but the moment Mugabe gave up his right to control the destiny of his nation was the beginning of his own end, unfortunately he took the rest of his country with him to hell. Zimbabwe will be resurrected from the ashes. The same cannot be said of Mugabe. He has a special place with the scumbags of history. But I digress. I am discussing our country.
What will it take for us to realise that we need to stand as one in order to solve the problems that we face as a nation? These obstacles ought to make us realise that we are not marching in the right direction. The people of this nation have a choice to make: Are we going to fold our arms and say it is all downhill from here or are we going to change the course of the nation? We have changed the course of history before; there is no reason to believe that it cannot be done again. In order for us to be a great nation we need to have obstacles. We will be overcome or we shall overcome. The choice is ours. Whether we want to be great or not is up to us.
We are a nation of different people who have forgotten that they have common goals. We want to see a prosperous South Africa, a nation we can be proud of. We all want to see the end of shacks, power cuts, crime and so forth. These are the basic goals we have as a nation. Unfortunately there is no one at the top to lead us towards that goal.
When people from the rest of Africa come to South Africa they see a land of opportunity and prosperity. There are groups from other continents who share the same sentiments about our country as these fellow Africans. Perhaps we ought to see what they see. Opportunity and endless possibility. Some of the most prosperous and mighty nations that have ever existed have dominated pages upon pages of history precisely because they embraced the foreigner. The Romans, the Greeks, the Egyptians, even the Americans. The US has grown on the backs of immigrants.
We maybe different but we are one man.
Thus I have to point out that before I am Dlanga of the Madiba clan, a son of the Xhosa tribe, a South African or even an African — I am a human being. My humanness should and must take precedent over any thing that tempts me to identify myself as anything else. I belong to my fellow man. Thus every man is my responsibility. And that makes me every man’s responsibility. Yes, this is naïve talk to many. But I see it as what could be.
While today we see foreigners being killed and being driven out of their homes, tomorrow it maybe be Zulus or Xhosas or Tswanas or any of the other tribes in this country. The longer we allow it to fester, the worse our future will be. Many commentators have said that already. There is nothing new there.
We are one people joined together by the common struggles of our beloved continent. Many of these fellow Africans have fled their homes in their countries, now they have had to run from their homes in South Africa. They too, like us are hungry. The sooner we realise that there is more than enough to go around for everybody, the better.
I believe in a South Africa whose freedom was born out of the generosity of people’s of many nations.
I believe in a South Africa that does not return kindness with cruelty.
I believe in a South Africa that embraces all peoples. From all nations.
I believe in a South Africa that does not take advantage of the weak, those who have nowhere else to turn.
I believe in a South Africa that does not abuse the defenceless.
I believe in a South Africa that does not silence the voices of the voiceless.
I believe in a generous South Africa.
Understandably, one can say that all these things are nice and easy for me to say, especially since I have a nice job, a roof over my head and am assured to have at least three decent meals a day. But what about those people who have to struggle to survive? What about those who have to compete with cheap foreign labour? I am convinced that they too believe in the same South Africa that I believe in. Especially if we suddenly had to flee to the nations of the very people we have so ill-treated.
This country that I live in cannot be judged by the acts of a few. In fact, even if the majority was unkind, I would still urge people not to judge this nation by it’s majority, because even then, there would be a few good South Africans, and I would urge anyone to judge us by those few good ones. However, I know that is not necessary. The good far outnumber the bad.
There are far more sensible, generous South Africans than not.
This is why I refuse to be ashamed. I am a South African.

A CALL INTO TOLERANCE

This is to respond to the deep sense of unease as to the direction a few South Africans have taken to tarnish the image of the country and democracy born out of enormous sacrifices by embarking on this on-going barbaric anarchy, butchering and torching of our continental brothers and sisters. We condemn all of these inhuman acts of violence and declare them as a reactionary tendency that seeks to undermine the principle of democracy, right to life and inherent dignity.
Whilst acknowledging the grave grievances the poorest of our people are experiencing, we firmly wish to stress that these xenophobic attacks will not solve the socio-economic pressures and imbalances that our people are faced with. Further to that we make a call to all South Africans, especially students of this institution as organic intellectuals to take it upon our stride as Proudly South Africans to collectively curb and purge away these racial and discriminatory intolerances that seek to reverse the tireless efforts of our forefathers in creating Africa, as a continent, that rises above the rest.
Students: We are community members before we are students. Therefore, we need to plough back to our communities the understanding of diversity and acceptance of difference among our people but above all things we must extensively make a call to instil tolerance.
As the student representative we therefore discourage such inhuman acts be it in our campuses or our communities.The Westville SRC would like to affirm again that UKZN is an international institution and still subscribes to its vision of becoming the premier University of African Scholarship. The SRC as a student representative will uphold and protect diversity in this institution. International students from neighboring countries should therefore report any xenophobic offences and acts to the RMS and the SRC and perpetrator of such will be thoroughly dealt with.
Away with these barbaric acts and the perpetrators must be brought into book!!! Let's make UKZN home away from home and a univesity of choice for both local and continental students.

Westville SRC (UKZN)
27 May 2008
Contact: Siyabonga Ngqongqwana (Acting Secretary: WSRC)
031-260-7106/ 078-981-2220

Comrade Latha On Xenophobia

Amandla!!!

It is too bad for us, South Africans.

I have, for the past decade of democracy believed that we as South Africans will do away with typical elements of unfair discrimination. This belief is informed by the constitution of South Africa which clearly condemns unfair discrimination against any race, gender, or nationality. The constitution is not considering unfair discrimination only, but also for the human rights abuses in our country.

Xenophobia is an unfair discrimination against ones race and nationality; therefore, it is against the constitution of the Republic of South Africa. What is currently happening in Alexandra, Johannesburg, against fellow Africans coming from different countries shall be condemned. This situation indicates to be xenophobic in nature with elements of direct violence against fellow Africans, on the news fellow Africans appear being totally displayed from their so called homes and others are subject to harsh violence.

Understanding our history, South Africans were once in a similar situation during the times of apartheid. It is true that neighbouring countries became new homes for fellow South Africans who were subject to cruel violence of the apartheid regime. Who we are now to our fellow African people who are also experiencing similar hard times in their home countries, they are also looking for new homes as we also did in the past. It is too bad for us, South Africans.

However, the situation with the South African population and those who are entering the country illegally is thus intense. Some people in places mostly affected by unemployment, poverty and overcrowding, will always complain about high levels of crime as subject to foreigners. They are complaining about stealing of jobs, businesses, and identity books scandals. Whether these are valid complains or unfounded, xenophobic violence and human rights abuses cannot be justified in any manner. Therefore, it is totally wrong what we as South Africans are doing to our foreign people and this must be called into order.

This is an African issue; South Africa has got a huge role to play in Africa as a continent, including the role of being a leading non-xenophobic, non violent and human rights non-abusive country. These xenophobic elements are clearly degrading our image as a country and to all the work that we have done throughout the struggle for a free and democratic country. That is why I am raising a special call to our government, the people of the Republic of South Africa and Africa at large to act to such conduct and defeat the evil spirit that is demeaning our image as the continent.

Of course, SASCO, as a leading student organisation in South Africa shall condemn such inhumane xenophobic violence against fellow Africans. We therefore call for a collective role in dealing with such misconducts.

SASCO LIVE, THE GIANT IS ALIVE!!!

LATHA “WISE” DLAMINI
POLITICAL EDUCATION OFFICER, SASCO (PMB CAMPUS)

SASCO IDEOLOGIGAL DEBATES REVISED

A brief overview of Marxism-Leninism as SASCO’s guide to action and tools of analysis

October 2006The South African Students’ Congress (SASCO) utilises Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action. Since SASCO’s adoption of Marxist-Leninist telescope to view and analyse society and its transformation, there has not been a thorough and convincing argument on what this exactly entails for the organisation. The ongoing debate on SASCO’s ideological orientation and inclination is virtually eternal. Almost all congresses and gatherings of SASCO at branch, regional, provincial and national levels continue to engage on the debate, and it presently seems far from closure. This is not a healthy situation, since an unequivocal position on what categorically guides SASCO should be unpacked and the debate will thence be altered to ask whether the organisation is on track with its adopted and agreed upon principles, and whether certain SASCO positions reflect the principles and/or revolutionary theory which the organisation should agreed upon.On a deliberate guide to lead this debate towards its final conclusion, it is perhaps important to clarify some conceptual, semantic, dogmatic and strategic mistakes and blunders committed on the course of engaging around the ideological character and orientation of SASCO. More often there has been obfuscation around the whole debate, a calamity that could have been avoided, since this debate requires a sober perspective and environment to engage, since it speaks directly to the spine and nerves of the organisation.How SASCO adopted Marxism-Leninism as guide to action and tools of analysis?Indeed, the 12th National Congress of SASCO adopted Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action. The insertion of a Marxist-Leninist perspective into the existent and somewhat outdated Strategic Perspective on Transformation (SPOT) has not been executed with the level of clarity and understanding it could have required. This is due to a variety of reasons, main being the fact that a document which is largely used in SASCO cycles as a SPOT is actually an analysis of SPOT by the former Secretary General of SASCO, Comrade Mxolisi Mlatha titled “What is the Strategic Perspective on Transformation”, prepared for the National Political School of SASCO 2001 in Northern Cape. Nevertheless, this analysis of SPOT helps to highlight the important aspect of SASCO’s strategic vision and outline the pillars of the struggles the organisation should wage in society, but where is the SPOT document?A recount of the environment within which SASCO adopted Marxism-Leninism would assist to clearly locate the whole debate on the strategic vision of the organisation. Virtually all Congresses of SASCO had lengthy discussions around the ideological character and inclination of SASCO, with milestones of such discussions recorded in Congress discussion documents of the period 1996 to 1999. The 11th Congress of SASCO laid a very firm foundation on a shift towards the Left, while the organisation had been indicating towards the left since its launch in 1991 through its adoption of working class biasness and working class leadership principles.Throughout its history, SASCO had been defined by a very resounding ambivalence towards the Left political paradigm, with the dominant organisational discourses and rhetoric laden with Marxist-Leninist and working class emphasis. Certainly, there were certain levels of vacillation and zigzagging concerning various roles SASCO would define and execute along the way, yet the Left outlook has not been eroded in SASCO’s organisational cultures and practices. The outlook usefully sustains the character and strategic vision of the organisation.In the 2001 National Political School, SASCO acknowledged that the struggle in South Africa is a class struggle. But the nature of the class struggle was described as that which compels the intelligentsia at the cutting edge of knowledge production (noting that all knowledge has class content) and social production to play a role either consciously or unconsciously[1]. The document, which is currently used as SPOT further states, “Consistent with one of the fundamental principles of the organisation that of working class leadership, our programs continue to emphasise the notion of the working class leading the transformation discourse, as the motive force of the revolutionary forces both in process and content. This is also what informs SASCO’s engagement in the student worker alliance[2]”.Sprinting to the 2004 12th National Congress, on the discussion of the Commission, which was ultimately the only one to report to plenary in Congress, debates and discussions therein were a culmination of a process that was started long time ago. Areas of emphasis in the discussion was that adopting Marxism-Leninism was necessary and long overdue step for SASCO, since all revolutionary organisations needed revolutionary theories to guide their deeds. This was premised on Lenin’s observation that “"There can be no revolutionary action without revolutionary theory." Congress anonymously agreed that Marxism-Leninism is the only revolutionary theory that can assist SASCO’s analysis of society and guides its actions.Additional to the resolution on adoption of Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action was an emphasis that political education should be intensified in all structures and organs of the organisation to ensure that there is an overall understanding of what Marxism-Leninism is. 12th National Congress acknowledged that throughout SASCO’s outlook was predominantly Marxist-Leninist, with very insignificant elements that could have swayed the organisation in different periods and epochs.

WHY

In earlier documents of SASCO, there was a rather frank acknowledgment that it is vital to acknowledge that commonly, the relationship between higher education and ideology reflects the nature and level of class and contradictions in society. This view was reinforced in the reality that the history of education struggle in South Africa is a testimony to the class contestation of higher learning institutions. Concretely, the struggles in higher education cannot be differentiated from the struggles and the continuous conflicts between labour and capital in the broader society.The then apartheid regime systematically applied racist, supremacist and unpopular policies in education system for class and racial privilege and benefits. In the early twentieth century, the twin concerns of the South African state were guaranteeing capital accumulation based on cheap unskilled labour and consolidating the structures of white political domination and privilege[3]. Consequently, training and education of blacks was not priority. This largely informed the segregationist education policy, institutionalised in the political and social spheres of apartheid and colonial society. Practically, apartheid education policy meant, inter alia, limited funding and access, and inadequate provision of education and training facilities for blacks and Africans in particular[4].Throughout colonial/apartheid period, social relations in South Africa continued to be fundamentally structured along lines of race, class and gender, whilst shaped by the articulation of racism, capitalism and patriarchy. It is however important to note that whilst the ideology of racism and racial prejudice were predominant in determining social relations in South African society, the various changing historical forms of national oppression and racism in South Africa are organically linked with and have provided the fundamental basis for the development of a capitalist economy[5].Post apartheid, Higher Education remains a very significant non-cohesive instrument for class rule and perpetuation of the class divides necessary for a capitalist society. Financial exclusions, academic exclusions, democratisation of higher education, access and success, welcoming learning environment and curriculum content are but some of the class struggles SASCO is waging in campuses. In a non-dogmatic fashion, it is vital to locate and understand SASCO struggles in Higher Education and society within the conflict of the producing and appropriating classes in society.Marx and Engels correctly pointed out in the Communist Manifesto that ‘the history of hitherto societies is the history of class struggle’. Under capitalism, the class struggle is between the capitalists and the proletariat, and is over the control and ownership of the means of production. In the process of struggle, contending classes use different ideological, political, economic, military instruments to fight for their class interests. Political parties, trade unions, armies, youth and students organisations, media, states and schools are amongst other concrete instruments through which the class struggle is fought. Ideologies have class base; that is to say, they represent the interests of a particular class. Bourgeoisie ideology takes different forms. Racism, sexism, Nazism, nationalism, liberalism, social democracy, and tribalism are amongst other forms of bourgeoisie ideologies, of which some of them are appropriated from the pre-capitalist modes of production.Revolutionary Movements and forces for change adopt different ideological guidelines and theories to inform and direct the kind of battles they wage in different situations and under different circumstances. This is largely and desirably done in a non-dogmatic fashion that acknowledges and understands both subjective and objective factors within the revolutionary struggles and the environment within which the revolution has to eventuate. SASCO has after careful analysis of both subjective and objective factors adopted Marxism-Leninism as its telescope and/or ideological lenses through which it analyses society and guides its deeds.

What is Marxism-Leninism?

This term is generally used to describe what are considered revolutionary Marxists (those who see that the present system must be replaced by a new one), as opposed to reformists (those who believe that the capitalist system can be made "kinder and gentler" - which is not possible!). Leninism is really nothing more than the extension of Marx's ideas into the age of imperialism (the age of the domination of finance capital and monopolies, and the total subjugation of the colonial world to the will of the major powers).Marxism-Leninism is SASCO’s ideological perspective, since used as tools of analysis and guide to action. What is an ideology? Ideology is about ideas how a society should be organised. For instance bourgeoisie ideologues accept class inequalities as natural and necessary in society. Some of the bourgeoisie ideologies use sex, race and sexual orientation as a basis for organising society. For instance in colonial societies racism and gender oppression have been ideological pillars of capitalism.Before Marx and Engels developed scientific socialism, utopian socialists had their ideas about how to organise society. Utopian socialists, who reacted against the harshness of the capitalist system, did not have a scientific understanding of the capitalist system and its defeat thereof. Marx and Engels provided the working with historical materialism and dialectical materialism as philosophical instruments to wage the class struggle. The set of ideas and systems developed by Karl Marx and Engels are collectively referred to as Marxism.Historical and dialectical materialism only differ in terms of the objects of their study. Historical materialism is a science of history of society or modes of production, their constitution, specific structure and forms of transition to other modes of production. Historical materialism provides us with theoretical categories such as mode of production, class, productive forces, means of production, superstructure, base and relations of production through which we understand concrete societies, viz, primitive communism, feudalism, capitalism and socialism. Historical materialism does not only critique the pre-capitalist and capitalist societies, but also suggest a communist future. This future will only come about if the acting subject of history – the working class, is aware that it is oppressed and exploited as a class. Dialectical materialism’s object studies the history of thought, which provides us with a method to interpret reality, which is different from mechanical materialism or dialectical idealism.What about the principle of a SASCO as a Broad Church?The principle of a broad church for a student movement is very important. Broad church basically refers to the organisational character and composition, viz. that an organisation must be a mass organisation accommodative of a variety of constituencies. However, broad church must never be confused with the strategic vision of the organisation. SASCO strategic vision is Marxist-Leninist, and this does not mean whatsoever that it cannot be a broad church. Broad church and Marxism-Leninism do not stand in opposition to each other as would have been argued in the past. They are actually mutually beneficial, in that although individuals who are not necessarily Marxists and/or Leninists are allowed to participate fully in the organisation, yet acknowledge its standing resolution of using Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action.In a real sense, it is theoretically misplaced to could believe that broad church can be a strategic vision or ideological direction of the organisation. Broad church simply speaks to the composition of the organisation and its mass character. Broad church is not an ideological telescope that can give an organisation an understanding of society and the direction it should take on revolutionary struggles. In essence, SASCO is a broad church that utilises Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action and tools of analysis. Broad church is not a strategic vision; it is a characterisation of the organisation’s mass and popular front. Those that justify their linkage to neo-liberal and conservative perspectives within SASCO as consistent with Broad Church, simply misunderstand SASCO, and are misallocated.

Can SASCO lead a socialist revolution?

Majority of students by their very location in capitalist production do not constitute a class. The working class is best suited to lead a socialist revolution. It is precisely the social nature of capitalist production, the collective nature of production that brings workers together in a common struggle. The working class, unlike the petty bourgeoisie (small business people, small land holders, intellectuals isolated form the masses), develops a collective consciousness and that is precisely why Marxists base themselves on the working class. It is the only class that can develop such a consciousness, precisely because of its position in production. Of course, without organization, as Marx explains, the working class is only raw material for exploitation.Majority of students, like children and unpaid spouses can be accommodated within an orthodox class schema by means of a mediated class position, that is, they derive their class position from other individuals on whom (typically) they are directly dependent economically. This form of class positioning is mainly applicable to the populations that are neither proletariat, nor bourgeois in orthodox terms. This is however not absolute, and should be understood within the South African Communist Party conceptualisation of the working class comprising of virtually all economically disadvantaged communities, not only those that trade their labour for wages.Now, to accomplish a socialist revolution in any country is the historical mission of the modern working class/proletariat (working men and women). But the history of all countries has shown that the working class, exclusively by its own effort and day-to-day experiences, is not able spontaneously to develop a consciousness any higher than trade union consciousness, the need to unite in unions for economic struggle against the employers and the government. The trade union consciousness is bourgeois consciousness. Unionism in and of itself does not challenge the capitalist mode of production but only seeks to better the immediate conditions and wages of the workers in struggles with individual employers.The founders of Marxism, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, and their followers like Plekhanov, Lenin and Trotsky, in fact most of the Bolshevik leadership, all came from the educated classes. As such they were the bearers of scientific socialism into the workers movement because they were educated and were able to study history and study economics and put together the understanding of historical materialism. These revolutionaries were the instruments for bringing the theories of scientific socialism, and they constitute what Lenin calls “Revolutionary Intelligentsia”.As long as the working class is not mobilised by a party based on revolutionary theory, its consciousness remains determined by bourgeois ideology and culture, leading it to see capitalist society as fixed and not open to fundamental change by workers revolution. In Leninist or Bolshevik theoretical framework, a revolutionary Communist and/or Workers’ Party should lead the socialist revolution, whilst other vital and strategic sectors and sections of society constitute part of the leading formations, in the form of what is called the Vanguard Movement.Within this complex, SASCO cannot and should not attempt to lead the socialist revolution; it must however form part of the leading formations and cadre (revolutionary intelligentsia) in the transition towards socialism. It is not the singular role and revolutionary task of SASCO to lead a socialist revolution, yet that does not prevent it to constitute part of the leading formations in the transition towards socialism and daily reformist and revolutionary struggles necessary for a socialist revolution. Whether being part of the leading formations towards socialism makes SASCO a “socialist student organisation” is a conceptual factor that has systemic and systematic consequences. It is matter though, which SASCO could decide upon, yet considerate of the dominant aspects of its struggles and battles in society.SASCO’s dominant character is that of a revolutionary, mass and militant student movement whose main objective in transformation of education in particular and society in general. This is clearly articulated in the 5 pillars (International work, policy work, campus work, community work and building a strong movement for popular transformation[6]); of the organisation, that gives a very broad yet workable scope within which the organisation addresses issues. These pillars are underpinned in the Constitutional principles of Democracy, non-racialism, African leadership, working class leadership and academic excellence.So within this context, SASCO should conceptually be characterised as a revolutionary, mass and militant student organisation, which is not indifferent towards the struggle for socialism, and actually is part of the leading forces towards socialism. Correct utilisation and application of Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action will lead to nothing, but socialism en-route communism. This socialist aspect and objective within SASCO, should not be conceptually applied to define the organisation for strategic and tactical reasons, because is not a dominant aspect and objective, in SASCO.

SASCO, the NDR and Marxism-Leninism

Recent debates on the South African State and transition theory in the ANC, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have at least exposed the fact that the understanding of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is not common in South Africa. There are indeed various conceptualisations and understanding of what exactly the NDR is, what it seeks to achieve and which classes in society lead it. There is not even a consensus on such basic questions of whether the NDR is a national, democratic and revolutionary programme. Various conceptualisations and schools of thought contend that the NDR is not purely national, some say it is currently not democratic, and neither revolutionary.The debates about and around NDR are indeed ongoing, and SASCO’s ‘SPOT’ made mention of the NDR “as a theory of our revolution properly dissected in the 1962 program of the South African Communist Party (SACP), which recognized the intersection and dialectical connection between the struggle against race, class and gender oppression”. ‘SPOT’ derives the theory of the NDR from the SACP and ironically defines it by quoting the African National Congress’ Strategy and Tactics, which speaks of the NDR as destined towards a “creation of a non racial, non sexist, prosperous and democratic Society, which in essence means the emancipation of Africans in particular and blacks in general from political and economic bondage[7]”.It is always instructive to indicate that the first time the expression NDR was used in the Marxist tradition was at the Second Congress of the Communist International under the leadership of Lenin. (The Communist International is an international organisation which represented Socialist and Communist organisations in the world). In the Communist International, national-democratic “or” national revolutionary replaced the expression “bourgeois-democratic” referring to the liberation movements in colonial countries. The reason for this was to emphasise the fact that the bourgeois and nationalist forces in the colonial countries were becoming more and more linked up with imperialism and increasingly afraid of the potentially dangerous consequences of a revolutionary movement of the masses against imperialism.The nationalist bourgeoisie in the colonial countries was more afraid of the revolutionary potential of the masses and was therefore no longer prepared to lead a genuine anti-imperialist movement. This is how Lenin explained it at the Second Congress of the Communist International in 1920: "A certain understanding has emerged between the bourgeoisie of the exploiting countries and that of the colonies, so that very often, even perhaps in most cases, the bourgeoisie of the oppressed countries, although they also support national movements, nevertheless fight against all revolutionary movements and revolutionary classes with a certain degree of understanding and agreement with the imperialist bourgeoisie, that is to say together with it[8]."Therefore, the Communist International resolved that in colonial countries, the National Democratic revolution should seek to address simultaneously (at the same time) national oppression and class exploitation. Specifically, the NDR was conceived as a multi-class revolutionary path, which could be only led by the proletariat or working class. This again was because it is precisely the social nature of capitalist production, the collective nature of production that brings workers together in a common struggle. The character of the NDR was in this sense meant to be non-capitalist in that it would not be destined towards a consolidation of a capitalist society. Its character was to retain the working class as the main motive force, since this class is the only class that stood to objectively gain out of the revolution.The African National Congress (2006—Umrabulo 25) maintains that the motive forces of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) include black workers and black capitalists. The ANC emphasises that “the NDR does not and is not meant to resolve class contradictions”…. Therefore it should be expected that contestation between these two contending classes will continue, in turn affecting the state and the leading organisation in the process of change, the ANC. It is important to highlight though that the dominant conceptualisation of the NDR within the ANC refers to the objectives of the NDR as creation of a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, and united South Africa, which is an antithesis to apartheid state. This antithesis to apartheid state is not defined in class terms, but it is conspicuously a capitalist state with superficial alterations effected to benefit an inherently small elite, from previously nationally oppressed communities.The SACP has predominantly conceptualised the NDR as a non-capitalist revolutionary programme, which although not necessarily leading to socialism, will address the class contradictions in society, in acknowledgment that there was a dialectical relationship between gender, class and national oppression. The SACP General Secretary noted recently (October 2006) that “One critical issue that has emerged as a significant area of difference within our Alliance in the debates, since the release of the SACP Central Committee Discussion Document, is our understanding of the concept of the national democratic revolution (NDR), the motive forces and 'policy package' of such revolution in contemporary South African[9]”. In the same document, the GS asserts that “SACP is arguing for a socialist oriented NDR as the only form that will ensure that indeed our revolution is able to achieve its objectives[10]”.Within this significant area of difference, the SACP position is not unambiguous, since its emphasis on addressing of class contradictions means entail discontinuity of private property and socialization of production, which the SACP has not stated in unequivocal terms. The SACP State and Power document, according to the ANC’s response “posits an outdated proposition that South Africa could have had or should have a "socialist oriented" or "non-capitalist" path to socialism”[11]. The ANC asserts that “this contradiction in terms arises from the Party's own historical assertion that SA is primarily an industrialized capitalist society with a large working class[12]”. A conclusion of the ANC response is that “from the strict application of Marxist-Leninism about transitions to socialism, you cannot have a non-capitalist path in a capitalist society and that the "Socialist orientation" is a variant of the same category[13]”. Whether this is true continues as a area for debate.COSATU ask a critical question in its discussion document for its 9th National Congress… “Does fostering a black bourgeoisie advance the National Democratic Revolution and concretely how does it contribute to transformation, notwithstanding their role as the new donors for the democratic movement?” Furthermore and importantly, COSATU asserts that the federation “concur that for many years there was a shared perspective that the National Democratic Revolution as the shortest route to socialism….” This shared perspective, according to COSATU “became dominant in the 1950s and was crystallized in the Freedom Charter, the SACP 1961 Programme and the ANC 1969 Morogoro Strategic Perspective[14]”. COSATU also supports most of the Party’s characterisation of the post 1994 era, including its characterisation of the state and the democratic movement. It raises important questions which echo a number of positions taken by COSATU that require discussion in the movement as a whole.The positions of the ANC, COSATU, SACP and various Mass democratic movement structures and cadre reflect that there is no absolute consensus on what the concept and practice of “NDR” entails, and what objectives it seeks to achieve. Despite reflecting that there is no consensus, the debates illustrates and indicates quite clearly that there cannot be consensus due, amongst other things, to vast ideological differences, which up to so far have not been categorically expressed within the Tripartite Alliance. At some stage, it would be important for the alliance to acknowledge the simple fact that what was termed the National Liberation Movement is not in pursuit of similar objectives post apartheid. In actual fact, various components and individuals within the National Liberation Movement are in pursuit of not only dissimilar, but contradictory objectives.

How useful is the Concept of NDR?

It must be acknowledged that the usefulness of the concept “NDR” is a rather fresh although not original debate, which requires special attention and thorough discussion. Within this fresh debate, the questions of whether the NDR seeks to manage capitalist relations or not; take us towards socialism; return to the ideals of the Freedom Charter or consolidate capitalism are neither here nor there. The major question how useful is the concept “NDR” is conceptualising, defining, understanding and charactering the struggles that the working class is waging and/or supposed to wage in South Africa in the present conjecture. A specific question should be asked with regards to SASCO (using Marxism-Leninism) that how useful and effective is usage of the highly contested concept of the NDR in defining and understanding the nature of the struggles and battles we should wage in South Africa today?In all sincerity, the concept NDR whether in practice or not has been used for various reasons in different contexts—it is actually a multi-purpose concept. Its multi-purposes are often dissimilar and contradictory, depending on who is defining NDR for what purposes. How useful would it be to continue using a concept which will be permanently contested to define our struggles? To what extent are we going to understand and have a sense of the direction of our revolution (if it is a revolution) within the multi-purpose NDR? Should SASCO even dare develop a working definition of what NDR is and what it is not, and further venture into the classical debates of who constitute the motive forces for the NDR? In mechanical terms, how do determine the leadership of the NDR? Do we even such thing as NDR?In the wake of SASCO Marxist-Leninist approach, the organisation should consider such brave steps as dropping and eliminating the usage of the concept NDR in assessing, defining and understanding our struggles for a society free of exploitation as envisaged in the Marxist-Leninist spectrum. If such brave step is taken, SASCO could within unequivocal Marxist-Leninist terms define and characterise the type of society the organisation aspires to see in South Africa. Further than that, SASCO could lead a very concerted and focused campaign within the Left political forces within the Mass Democratic Movement to eliminate the concept of NDR and define South African revolution in Marxist-Leninist terms. Such action would fit in very well to our implied commitment to discontinue private property, exploitation and alienation for more socialised production and redistribution system.

Conclusion

At Marx's grave, Frederick Engels stated that his friend's (Karl Marx) great discovery was that "mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, and therefore work before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion etc.[15]" Further than this materialistic assertion, Engels presaged that ‘Marxism is not just content with understanding how the world works but seeks to give people the ability, collectively, to change it more effectively’; the view expressed by Marx himself. Furthermore Marxism sets out not to be just a theory, and Engels thereof made a very important acknowledgment, that “Our theory (i.e. Marxism) is not a dogma, but a guide to action”[16].Karl Marx would always maintain that although he had great sympathy for the working class, it was not for this reason that he developed scientific Communist views and perspectives, but it was through a thorough study of history and the political economy. Marx maintained that any person free from private interest, class prejudices and biasness would necessarily reach the same conclusions if they thoroughly study history and the political economy.Reflections above are meant to redirect in an educational manner the debate about the theory and practice of transition South African by raising critical questions that directly link to SASCO’s adoption of Marxism-Leninism as tools of analysis and guide to action. Let’s engage!

Nyiko Floyd Shivambu

The views expressed do not yet represent official positions of any structure of SASCO, but meant for robust and frank discussions and debates.

Amandla!

THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL SRC CONSTITUTION

THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL SRC CONSTITUTION



PREAMBLE

The students of the UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL emerging from diverse cultural, religious, political and economic backgrounds, conscious of the historical disparities within the African continent in general and South Africa in particular, committed to unite and build a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society, recognizing the central role played by students in serving their community, determined to instill and nurture a culture of learning, research, tolerance and understanding and critical thinking, conscious of their civil duty as the student community and members of society as a whole, make the statement that:-

A The Students' Representative Council and its component parts of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, acting as the primary student governing body on all issues of student governance will at all times strive to:-
Promote principles that embrace the notions of democratic practice, representation and consensus building in all student structures;
Achieve social redress and increased access;
Embrace the vision, mission and strategic plan of the UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL through, among other things, the development of plans and goals by the Student Representative Council;
Embrace the code of conduct of the University, and the values of the institution;
Affirm the principle of linguistic plurality;
Respect differences that arise due to socio-economic status, race and gender;
Uphold principles of transparency, accountability, responsiveness and broad participation of the student community
Promote and protect the principles entrenched in the Bill of Rights, Chapter 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa; and

B The Students’ Representative Council and its component parts is committed to exemplary student leadership and aims to encourage academic excellence, promote equality of opportunities through efficient and transparent student governance.


DEFINITIONS

In this Constitution any word or expression to which a meaning has been assigned by the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No. 101 of 1997), as amended, has the meaning so assigned to it, and unless the context otherwise indicates:

"Act" means the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No. 101 of 1997), as amended;
“Campus“ shall mean one of the campuses of the University i.e. the Pietermaritzburg campus, the Howard College campus, the Westville campus, the Edgewood Campus and the Medical School Campus referred to in clause 1.2;
"Council" means the governing body of the University;
"Central Students Representative Council" means the student’s representative body referred to in clause 1.4 and the abbreviation CSRC shall have the same meaning;
"Days" includes Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays;
“Deputy Dean of Students” shall mean the member of staff responsible for the welfare of students on a campus, reporting to the Executive Dean (Students);
"Employee" means any person employed by the University;
"Employer" means the council of the University;
“Executive Dean (Students)” shall mean the member of the University Executive Management team responsible for the student portfolio;
“Ex-officio” shall mean by virtue of his/her office;
“Faculty Committee” shall mean a duly constituted student committee set up to represent the interests of students in a particular faculty;
"Functions" include powers and duties and vice versa;
“General Meeting” shall mean a meeting to which all the students on a campus are invited by a LSRC as contemplated in clause 12.4;
"Institutional forum" means the institutional forum contemplated in section 31 of the Act;
"Local Student Representative Council" means the students representative body referred to in clause 1.3 and the abbreviation LSRC shall have the same meaning;
“Members” shall mean full members of the CSRC, or the LSRCs either as elected or appointed ex officio;
"Minister" means the Minister of Education;
"Month" means calendar month;
“Ordinary Meeting“ shall be a formal scheduled meeting of a LSRC, or of the CSRC as contemplated in clause 12.1;
“Recognized Student Organization” shall mean a student organization which has met the criteria set by a LSRC for recognition as contemplated in clause 13;
"Schedule A" means the schedule attached to this Constitution containing the electoral policy for the University of KwaZulu-Natal CSRC and LSRCs;
"Semester" means an academic period at the University constituting either the first or second half of a calendar year as determined by the University's sessional dates;
"Senate" means the University body responsible for academic matters contemplated in the Act;
"SRC disciplinary committee" means a student disciplinary committee established by either a CSRC or LSRC;
"Student" means a person registered for a qualification at the University;
“Student Development Officer“ shall mean a staff member within the Division of Student Services at the University, responsible for the portfolio of student development
“Student Governance Officer” shall mean a staff member responsible for student governance affairs;
“Student Organization” shall mean any student society, club or association set up on a campus of the University, other than sports clubs;
"Student Representative Council" in its broad sense shall mean the students representative body as contemplated in Section 35 of the Act. In this Constitution the abbreviation SRC shall have the same meaning;
“UKZN” shall be an abbreviation of University of KwaZulu-Natal;
"University" means the University of KwaZulu-Natal;
“Year “shall mean the University academic year as defined by the University’s Sessional Dates


1 APPLICATION
1.1 This Constitution applies to the SRCs provided for at the University.
1.2 The University currently consists of five campuses, namely, the Howard College Campus, the Westville Campus, the Medical School Campus, the Edgewood Campus and the Pietermaritzburg Campus.
1.3 Each Campus shall have its own SRC which shall be referred to as a Local Students Representative Council (hereinafter referred to as a "LSRC").
1.4 The University as a whole shall have a Central Students Representative Council (hereinafter referred to as the "CSRC").
1.5 The CSRC and LSRCs shall have the powers and functions as set out hereunder.
1.6 In the event of there being any conflict, contradiction, and/or uncertainty as to the powers and functions of any of the SRC's the CSRC shall assume that power and/or function.
2 OBJECTIVES OF THE SRC The aims and objectives of the SRC are:
2.1 To represent students in all University matters affecting them both as individuals and as a body, and to serve the student body;
2.2 To fight for student rights, by striving for a just standard of general welfare and services for all students, regardless of race, colour, creed and sex;
2.3 To facilitate communication between students and other stakeholders within the University, and the higher education sector;
2.4 To promote, by example and leadership, a culture of democracy and tolerance within the University community;
2.5 To work towards a national education system that will instill in students a sense of unity, responsibility and patriotism;
2.6 To support students and student structures by creating forums to achieve common goals, to perform such actions as necessary to achieve these goals, and to assist in resolving disputes among students and within the various components of student governance;
2.7 To support the development of good student governance, by encouraging participation in, and co-operation between, the various student structures.
3 HOLDING OFFICE IN AN SRC
Any student who has been registered at the University for at least one semester is entitled to be elected and/or appointed to an SRC or any of its constituent structures.
4 VOTING FOR SRC'S
4.1 Each registered student shall have the right to cast one vote for an individual standing for election to a LSRC, and one vote for a student organization contesting a LSRC election on his/her campus, and one vote for a student organization contesting the CSRC elections.
4.2 The election procedures for the CSRC and LSRC shall be in accordance with the provisions of schedule A.
4.3 The student organizations recognized in accordance with the provisions of clause 13 on a campus may contest the LSRC elections for that campus, as may individual registered students.
4.4 Student organizations recognized in accordance with the provisions of clause 13 on at least three campuses of the University may contest CSRC elections in the University.
4.5 Student organizations contesting elections shall submit ranked candidate lists of eligible students in accordance with the provisions of schedule A.
4.6 Seats on the respective SRC's shall be allocated to the successful student organizations in accordance with the provisions of clause 16 of schedule A and in accordance with the ranking recorded in their lists of candidates.
5 COMPOSITION OF SRCs
5.1 CSRC
5.1.1 The CSRC comprises of the five presidents of the LSRCs (ex officio) and ten elected members. The elected members shall be elected in accordance with the provisions of Schedule A.
5.1.2 The CSRC shall appoint, in accordance with clause 17 of schedule A, from its elected members persons who shall hold the following portfolios (for further details see Schedule B) :-
5.1.2.1 President
5.1.2.2 Deputy President
5.1.2.3 Secretary General
5.1.2.4 Finances and Projects Officer
5.1.2.5 Transformation and Academic Officer
5.1.2.6 Community Development Officer
5.1.2.7 International and Marketing Officer
5.1.2.8 Student Services Officer
5.1.2.9 Residence Liaison Officer
5.1.2.10 Sports, Arts and Culture Officer
5.1.3 All fifteen members of the CSRC shall have full voting rights but the ex officio members are not eligible to hold any of the ten portfolios on the CSRC.
5.2 LSRCs
5.2.1 The LSRC comprises ten members; five representing student organizations who contest the elections, and five members who contest the elections as individuals. The members shall be elected in accordance with the provisions of Schedule A hereto.
5.2.2 The LSRC shall appoint, in accordance with clause 17 of schedule A, from its members persons who shall hold the following portfolios (for further details see Schedule C):-
5.2.2.1 President
5.2.2.2 Deputy President
5.2.2.3 Secretary General
5.2.2.4 Finances and Projects Officer
5.2.2.5 Transformation and Academic Officer
5.2.2.6 Community Development Officer
5.2.2.7 International and Marketing Officer
5.2.2.8 Student Services Officer
5.2.2.9 Residence Liaison Officer
5.2.2.10 Sports, Arts and Culture Officer
6 SRC TERMS OF OFFICE
6.1 The term of office of both the CSRC and LSRCs members shall be twelve months.
6.2 No individual member may serve on the CSRC or LSRC for more than two terms whether consecutively or separately.
7 FUNCTIONS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE SRC
7.1 As a general rule and subject to clause 2 above, students are represented on University-wide matters, and in the formulation of University-wide student policy and procedures by the CSRC, and on matters relating to specific campuses by the LSRCs.
7.2 The responsibilities of the CSRC include:-
7.2.1 Liaison with the Council, the Senate, other tertiary institutions, students’ representative councils of other tertiary institutions, national or international student organizations, unions and news media, the Executive Dean (Students) and other senior University management and the general public;
7.2.2 Representing the students of the University on the Council, senate, institutional forum, and other University-wide structures of governance at the University;
7.2.3 The co-ordination and supervision of the use of facilities placed under the jurisdiction of the CSRC;
7.2.4 The establishment of a Disciplinary Committee to discipline members guilty of transgressing the CSRC code of conduct for members;
7.2.5 Accounting for funds provided to the CSRC by the University, by producing and adhering to an annual budget, and by complying with all University financial regulations;
7.2.6 The recommendation to Council of rules to determine the conduct of CSRC and LSRC affairs;
7.2.7 The recommendation to Council of amendments to the SRC Constitution;
7.2.8 The reporting back to students on the activities of the CSRC by means of meetings, posters, newsletters or other appropriate media, and the publication each quarter of the state of the CSRC budget;
7.2.9 Any additional functions and responsibilities delegated to the CSRC by Council or the University management;
7.2.10 The delegation of functions and responsibilities to the LSRCs;
7.2.11 Implementation of the objectives set out in clause 2 above in respect of the University as a whole;
7.2.12 The formation of such standing committees and sub-committees as it considers necessary to fulfill its functions, and the approval of the constitutions of such bodies;
7.2.13 The determination of the conduct of its business during vacations of the University.
7.3 The responsibilities of the LSRC include:-
7.3.1 In its capacity as the umbrella organization for all student organizations on a campus the overseeing of all student organizations, including the granting or withdrawing of recognition of such student organizations on that campus;
7.3.2 The co-ordination and supervision of the use of facilities placed under the jurisdiction of the LSRC, and where appropriate the provision of services for students;
7.3.3 The convening and conducting of all authorized meetings of the general student body on a campus, and the managing of all general referenda organized by the students on a campus;
7.3.4 The establishment of a Disciplinary Committee to discipline members guilty of transgressing the LSRC code of conduct for members;
7.3.5 The organization and promotion of extramural and social activities for students on a campus;
7.3.6 Accounting for funds provided to the LSRC by the CSRC, by producing and adhering to an annual budget, and by complying with all University financial regulations, and making grants to recognized student organizations and affiliated student structures.
7.3.7 The responsibility for the preservation of order at student campus functions, and the ensuring of good conduct at other approved campus meetings of students;
7.3.8 The co-ordination of student involvement in all community projects initiated by the LSRC;
7.3.9 The reporting back to students on the activities of the LSRC by means of meetings, posters, newsletters or other appropriate media, and the publication each quarter of the state of the LSRC budget;
7.3.10 Liaising on behalf of student(s) on campus with academic staff and faculty administrative staff, the Deputy Dean of Students for the campus, campus administration staff and students services support staff ;
7.3.11 Any additional functions and responsibilities delegated by the CSRC;
7.3.12 Implementation of the objectives set out in clause 2 above in respect of its campus;
7.3.13 The formation of such standing committees and sub-committees as it considers necessary to fulfill its functions;
7.3.14 The determination of the conduct of its business during vacations of the University.
8 TERMINATION OF SRC MEMBERSHIP

A member of the CSRC and a LSRC shall cease to hold office if and when:-
8.1 He/she ceases to be a registered student of the University;
8.2 He/she tenders his/her resignation in writing and such resignation is accepted by the CSRC or a LSRC as the case may be;
8.3 He/she has had two motions of censure passed on him/her during a single term of office by the CSRC or a LSRC for one or more of the following reasons:-
8.3.1 Failure to attend three consecutive meetings of the CSRC or LSRC as the case may be, or a related student committee on which the member serves in his/her capacity as an SRC member, without an acceptable written reason;
8.3.2 Failure, without a reasonable explanation that is acceptable to the CSRC or LSRC as the case may be, to carry out such duties as may be entrusted to him/her;
8.3.3 Bringing the name of the CSRC or LSRC into disrepute by being found guilty of an offence by the University disciplinary structures and/or an SRC disciplinary committee.
8.4 He/she is replaced by his/her student organization (see clause 9).
9 REPLACEMENT OF MEMBERS OF AN SRC
9.1 Student organizations represented on the CSRC or a LSRC shall have the right to replace one or more of their representatives, provided that such replacements may not be made within the first three months of the term of office of the SRC.
9.2 Recalled member(s) must be replaced, unless a students organization withdraws entirely from participation in the CSRC or a LSRC, in which event the students organization will be replaced by another after a recalculation of the results of voting in the elections (see schedule A).
9.3 Student organizations opting to exercise the right of replacement are required to inform the CSRC or a LSRC, and the student governance office, of its decisions in writing, providing sound reasons why the recall is being made, and providing a timeframe for the replacement.
9.4 The recalled member(s) must be replaced by the student organization holding the seat(s), provided that the replacement members must be drawn (in rank order) from the student organization’s original candidate list submitted at the time of the elections. In the event that a student organization has no further eligible candidates, the seat shall be forfeited.
9.5 The recalling and replacement of members must be done in a manner that does not impede or disturb the functioning and smooth running of the CSRC or a LSRC.
10 RESHUFFLING OF PORTFOLIOS OF AN SRC
10.1 Following the replacement of members for whatever reasons it may be necessary to reshuffle portfolios. Such reshuffling is at the discretion of the SRC concerned.
10.2 The CSRC or LSRC must inform the student governance office of the intention to reshuffle portfolios, and a student governance officer shall preside over the process.
11 PRIVILEGES OF SRC MEMBERS
The privileges of members of the CSRC and LSRCs as the case may be are as determined by Council on an annual basis.

12 MEETINGS OF CSRC AND LSRCs
12.1 Ordinary Meetings of the CSRC and LSRCs: Ordinary meetings of the CSRC and LSRCs shall be held at least once every two weeks. A quorum of five members is required for LSRC ordinary meetings (provided that two of the following office bearers are present: the President, Deputy President, Secretary General or Finances and Projects Officer). A quorum of eight members is required for a CSRC ordinary meeting. Minutes shall be taken of all CSRC and LSRC meetings, and the approved minutes placed on a public student notice board. Decisions taken at ordinary meetings of the CSRC and the LSRCs shall require a simple majority vote.
12.2 Annual General Meetings of the LSRCs : Each LSRC shall be obliged to convene an AGM at least three weeks prior to the commencement of the SRC Elections period. The details of the meeting, including the date, venue and agenda, shall be published on student notice boards and via the UKZN LAN notice system at least two weeks prior to the meeting. The AGM's are open to all registered students. Decisions taken at AGM’s of the LSRCs shall require a simple majority vote.
12.3 Annual General Meeting of the CSRC : The CSRC shall be obliged to convene an annual general meeting least two weeks prior to the commencement of the SRC Elections period. The details of the meeting, including the date, venue(s) and agenda, shall be published on student notice boards and via the UKZN LAN notice system at least two weeks prior to the meeting. The CSRC AGM, to be known as the Institutional Student Congress (ISC), is open to all registered students. Any proposed amendments to the SRC Constitution are to be published as part of the agenda of the ISC. Decisions taken at the ISC shall require a simple majority vote, with the exception of proposed amendments to the SRC Constitution which require a two-thirds majority.
12.4 General Meetings of the LSRCs: Each LSRC shall convene a general meeting of students on its campus at least once a semester. The details of the meeting, including the date, venue and agenda, shall be published on student notice boards and via the UKZN LAN notice system at least two weeks prior to the holding of the meeting.
12.5 Special General Meetings of the CSRC or an LSRC: The CSRC, or a LSRC, shall be obliged to convene a special general meeting if petitioned to do so in writing by 1000 or more registered students placing their signatures on such a petition. Notice of such a meeting, including the date, venue and agenda, shall be published on student notice boards and via the UKZN LAN notice system at least five days prior to the holding of such a meeting.

13 RECOGNITION OF STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS
13.1 Recognition
13.1.1 Applications for recognition shall be made using forms prescribed by the applicable LSRC to the LSRC concerned, after having obtained fifty signatures from registered students in support of the formation of the organization, and six signatures from students willing to serve on a founding committee of the proposed organization.
13.1.2 The application should include the intended aims and objectives of the organization together with:-
13.1.2.1 reasons why no other existing recognized student organization on the campus in question can fulfill its aims and objectives;
13.1.2.2 an action plan and programme;
13.1.2.3 a budget request.
13.1.3 The proposed student organization must also submit a copy of its draft constitution, and its vision and mission statements.
13.1.4 Following the submission of the application and the required documents, the student organization applying for recognition shall be required to organize a meeting of the student organization to be attended by a member of the LSRC, and to submit a record of the proceedings of that meeting together with an attendance list.
13.1.5 The LSRC Secretary General will then make a recommendation on the recognition of the student organization to an ordinary meeting of the LSRC. If recognition is granted, the student organization will be notified in writing within seven working days of the meeting, and will then be free to formally recruit members in its name, and to commence activities with the support and backing of the LSRC.
13.1.6 If an application by an organization is rejected, full reasons for the rejection shall be supplied (in writing) to the applicants by the LSRC, no later than seven working days after the LSRC meeting at which the application is considered.
13.1.7 In the event of an application being rejected, the applicants have the right to submit an appeal, together with the written notice of rejection by the LSRC, to a recognition appeals committee.
13.1.8 The constitution of the recognition appeals committee (RAC) shall be the Executive Dean (Students) (convener), the Secretary General of the CSRC, the Deputy Dean of Students for the campus concerned, and a member of the Faculty of Law nominated by the Dean of the Faculty of Law. The decision of the RAC shall be final. The authority of the RAC shall be limited to the issue of recognition of the organization.
13.2 Withdrawal of the recognition
13.2.1 The LSRCs shall have the right to withdraw recognition of student organizations, provided that the procedure set out in clauses 13.2.2 to 13.2.5 is followed.
13.2.2 The LSRC must give the student organization written notice of its intention to withdraw recognition, stating in full the reasons for the intended action.
13.2.3 The LSRC must give the student organization three months in which to remedy the problems identified by the LSRC as set out in clause 13.2.2 above. The student organization must report in writing within the stipulated period the remedial steps it has taken.
13.2.4 If the LSRC is not satisfied with the remedial steps taken it shall notify the student organization in writing accordingly setting out its reasons for its decisions and withdrawing recognition of the student organization.
13.2.5 The student organization that has had its recognition withdrawn has the right to lodge an appeal within seven days of receipt of the notice referred to in clause 13.2.4 above to the RAC (as defined in clause 13.1.8 above). The withdrawal of recognition shall be suspended while the appeal is being considered, and the decision of the RAC shall be final.
14 AMENDMENTS
14.1 All proposed amendments to the SRC Constitution shall be forwarded to the CSRC in writing for consideration at the annual general meeting of the CSRC, or a special general meeting called by the CSRC for that purpose. Approval of amendments to the constitution at the annual general meeting, or a special general meeting shall require a two-thirds majority.
14.2 Amendments to the SRC Constitution shall require approval by the Council.

PMB & CENTRAL STUDENTS’ REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL 2007/8

CENTRAL STUDENTS’ REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL 2007/8

PORTFOLIO
NAME
STUDENT NO
CONTACT NO
1. President
Sanele Shabalala
201503949
072 241 4012
201503949@ukzn.ac.za
2. Deputy President
Fisani Shabalala
204519972
0730244593
204519972@ukzn.ac.za
3. Secretary General
Kwazi Mshengu
202514858
0732696915
202514858@ukzn.ac.za
4. Finances and Projects Officer
Mikateko Mahlaule
204001561
0722331004
204001561@ukzn.ac.za
5. Transformation and
Academic Officer
Nhlanhla Khumalo
205515311
0836819366
205525311@ukzn.ac.za
6. Community
Development Officer
Zanele Bikitsha
205501079
0839670716
205501079@ukzn.ac.za
7. International and
Marketing Officer
Lungisane Shange
206522370
0762682596
206522370@ukzn.ac.za
8. Student Services
Officer
Qayisa Mjali
203510215
0734749804
203510215@ukzn.ac.za
9. Residence Liaison
Officer
Lethiwe Sikhakhane
205502079
0839670716
205501079@ukzn.ac.za
10. Sports, Arts and
Culture Officer
Philani Makhoba
991191210
0765209560
991191210@ukzn.ac.za

PIETERMARITZBURG LOCAL STUDENTS’ REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL 2007/8

PORTFOLIO
NAME
STUDENT NO
CONTACT NO
1. President
Simphiwe Biyela
201508818
0727795328
201508818@ukzn.ac.za
2. Deputy President
Mabandla Ndlangamandla
206503247
0784737181
206503247@ukzn.ac.za
3. Secretary General
Nandisa Tushini
203507507
0764485390
203507507@ukzn.ac.za
4. Finances and Projects
Officer
Mlungisi Manana
203506062
0730983140
203506062@ukzn.ac.za

5. Transformation and
Academic Officer
Malusi Mchunu
205508071
0826616263
205508071@ukzn.ac.za
6. Community
Development Officer
Blessed Ncube
206510762
0791578970
206510762@ukzn.ac.za
7. International and
Marketing Officer
W.S. Mbokazi
206501417
0731303356
206501417@ukzn.ac.za
8. Student Services
Officer
Sphetfo Dlamini
204506403
0845006695
204506403@ukzn.ac.za
9. Residence Liaison
Officer
Zethembiso Mthethwa
203507074
0764485390
203507074@ukzn.ac.za
10. Sports, Arts and
Culture Officer
Muhammad Ali
204509226
0726621965
204509226@ukzn.ac.za

DRAFT STUDENT FACULTY COMMITTEE CONSTITUTION

DRAFT STUDENT FACULTY COMMITTEE CONSTITUTION

1. Definitions

 “Students Faculty Committee” (SFC) shall mean a committee elected by
students registered in a particular faculty on a campus.

 “LSRC” shall mean the Local SRC elected to represent students on a
particular campus.

 “Term” shall mean the period of tenure of a Students Faculty Committee.

 “Faculties” shall mean the Faculties as contemplated in the UKZN statute.


2. Students Faculty Committee

2.1 Name

Each SFC shall be named after the campus and faculty in which the SFC operates e.g. the Howard College Law Students Faculty Committee.

2.2. Aims and objectives shall be to

2.2.1 Unite all students under the faculty concerned so as to ensure maximum participation in student activities.

2.2.2 Build and strengthen relationships between students, and the staff and management of the faculty.

2.2.3 Ensure a good working relationship between the SFC and the respective LSRC.

2.2.4 Serve as a sub-structure of and advisory body to, the LSRC.

2.2.5 Promote the development of academic related activities.

2.2.6 Ensure full student participation in academic-related activities.

2.2.7 Promote the good image of the SFC and the faculty.

2.3. Functions and responsibilities

The functions of the SFC shall be to:

2.3.1 Represent students’ interests in academic-related matters within a faculty.
2.3.2 Represent students in faculty and school board meetings, and any other relevant faculty forum.

2.3.3 Represent student interests in all matters related to curriculum development within the faculty.

2.3.4 Publicise all activities and meetings of the SFC.

2.3.5 Submit monthly reports to the LSRC.


3. Composition of the Students Faculty Committees

3.1 Membership

3.1 Each SFC shall be composed of six (6) elected members who shall be registered students in the faculty on the campus concerned, while the Transformation and Academic Officer of the respective LSRC shall be an ex officio member of each committee

3.2 Portfolios

Each SFC shall have four (4) specified portfolios and three members without portfolio. The portfolios are set out in paragraphs 3.3 to 3.6 below.

3.3 The Chairperson

3.3.1 Shall be the head of the SFC.

3.3.2 Together with the Finance and Projects Officer or Secretary will be a signatory of all transactions of the SFC.

3.3.3 Will chair all meetings of the SFC or delegate such duty to any member of the SFC.

3.3.4 Will supervise all the work of the SFC.

3.3.5 Shall be the official spokesperson of the SFC.

3.3.6 Together with Transformation and Academic Officer of the LSRC, shall report to the LSRC.

3.4 The Secretary

3.4.1 Shall be the administrator of the SFC.

3.4.2 Shall circulate notices and agendas of all meetings.
3.4.3 Shall be responsible for taking minutes at all SFC meetings.

3.4.4 Together with the Finance and Projects Officer or Chairperson will be a signatory to transactions of the SFC.

3.5 Finance and Projects Officer

3.5.1 Shall be responsible for all finances of the SFC, and together with the Chairperson or Secretary be a signatory to all financial transactions of the SFC.

3.5.2 Shall keep records of all financial transactions of the SFC.

3.5.3 Fundraise for the SFC.

3.5.4 Responsible for all projects of the SFC.

3.5.5 Co-ordinate all academic projects of the SFC.

3.5.6 Co-ordinate all social events which are for the academic enrichment of students.

3.6 Media and Publicity Officer

3.6.1 Shall publicise each and every project of the SFC.

3.6.2 Shall maintain the image of the SFC.

3.6.3 Shall communicate with other SFCs on Campus.

3.6.4 Issue and publicize the notices of general meetings of students in the faculty, as well as regular meetings of the SFC.

3.7 Meetings

3.7.1 SFCs shall meet at least once every two weeks.

3.7.2 General meetings of all students in a faculty on a particular campus shall be convened by the SFC at least once a semester.

3.7.3 Special meetings of students in a faculty may be called by the SFC, or when at least 50 registered students in a faculty sign a petition calling for such a meeting.

3.7.4 The quorum for an ordinary meeting of the SFC shall be 50% of the members plus one.
3.7.5 SFCs may invite Class Representatives to meetings when deemed necessary.

3.7.6 General meetings of students in a faculty must not clash with student body meetings on a campus called by the LSRC

4. Elections

4.1 Elections for SFCs shall precede the elections for the LSRC and CSRC, and shall take place before lectures end in the second semester of each year.

4.2 Election procedures and election guidelines shall be as determined by the CSRC.

5. Holding Office in the SFC

5.1 Any student registered under that faculty in a particular faculty for at least one semester is entitled to be elected and/or appointed into an SFC.

6. Term of Office

6.1 The term of office of a SFC shall be 12 months commencing on the day of portfolio allocation and ending on the day of portfolio allocation of the incoming SFC. The latter shall including a handover meeting.

6.2 No individual member may serve on the SFC for more than two terms whether consecutively or separately.

7. Removal from office

7.1 The SFC may be removed from office under the following circumstances:

7.1.1 By a vote of no confidence passed by a majority of the of students in a general meeting of the registered students in a faculty, provided that no less than 1/3 of the students are in attendance OR by a petition signed by at least 1/3 of the registered students within that particular faculty

7.1.2 By failing to submit the required monthly reports to the LSRC for more than three consecutive occasions.

8. Student Faculty Meetings

8. 1 Student Faculty Meetings shall be called by SFC on quarterly bases.

8.2 Notice of such a meeting shall be given seven (7) days before the meeting by publicizing through notices in the faculty notice boards and any other media applicable.

8.3 The SFC may call special faculty meeting whenever the need arise.

8.4 The attendance at the above faculty meeting shall be open to all faculty students concerned.

8.5 The Faculty officials may only attend and have non-voting status in faculty student meeting when invited by the SFC.

8.6 The SFC may call a Special General Meeting if petition by more than one third of faculty students, provided the items on the agenda clearly indicate the urgency of such a meeting.


9. Student faculty Committee Meetings

9.1 SFC shall hold regular meetings (at least once a week or whenever the need arises and abide by the decision taken in these meetings).

9.2 Meetings shall be conducted in such a way that enables all members to participate effectively on the decision-making.

9.3 A quorum shall consist of at least 50% plus 1 members present at the meeting of SFC.

9.4 No member may be absent from the SFC meetings without a written apology. Three consecutive absences without an apology shall automatically remove a member from SFC.

9.5 The SFC may invite any student or university official if they feel that she/he will be resourceful for the purpose of that meeting.

9.6 Minutes of all SFC meeting shall be taken and kept safely. A copy of the minutes shall be sent to the LSRC Academic and Transformation Officer.

10. Annual General Meeting

10.1 Each Student Faculty Committee shall be obliged to convene an AGM not later than the last week of August of each year.
10.2 The dates for the AGM shall be decided by the LSRC- Academic and Transformation in a campus. The details of the AGM, including venue and agenda, shall be published on notice board(s) and via flyers at seven days prior to the meeting. An AGM shall be open to all registered students in a specific faculty and shall pass decisions on simple majority vote. Only these students shall vote in the meeting.

10.3 The Chairperson, Secretary and Finance and Projects Officer shall present reports as contemplated in clauses 3.3, 3.4 and 3.5.

10.4 A quorum of the AGM shall be formed by 50%+1 of Faculty students in attendance.

10.5 At the Annual General Meeting, faculty students shall receive written reports from SFC as contemplated in 3.3, 3.4 & 3.5.

10.6 A seven (7) days notice shall be displayed prior to the AGM on the faculty notice boards.


11. Student Faculty Committee Resignation

11.1 A member of SFC may resign at any time provided that a seven (7) days written notice is given to the Chairperson or Secretary of SFC.

11.2 The SFC shall through a notice on the faculty notice boards or Faculty meeting inform students of that faculty of such resignation.

11.3 A member of SFC shall forfeit all the rights and privileges of being SFC member upon vacating office.

11.4 A member of the SFC shall cease to hold office if and when he/she is not registered student of the university or with a faculty concern.

12. Amendments to this Constitution

12.1 All necessary amendments to the Student Faculty Committee Constitution
shall be forwarded by Student Faculty Committee to the LSRC on behalf
of faculty students.

12.2 The LSRC shall forward such proposed amendments to the CSRC and
shall make final decisions.

ME GYGUWQHUHKJ HJKQWHJKN
WJLK

UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL SRC-SUBSTRUCTURE

UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL SRC-SUBSTRUCTURE
CONSTITUTION OF HOUSE COMMITTEES


Preamble

We, the students of the University of KwaZulu – Natal desire to unify all the Residences of the five campuses under one Constitution. Whereas the Constitution shall best reflect and promote a common spirit, goals and experiences of all the residence students.


We further recognize the need to ensure the development of the Residence student leadership founded on the principles of equality, liberty, ubuntu (humanity) and accountability, and that we need to enhance and promote unity among residence students and to develop programs in pursuit of the above.


Whereas the students in the university residences recognize the need for their representation in the structure of management for the university residence. Whereas envisaging being the co-governors of the university residence and seeking to establish effective residences structures that shall be the representative of residence students’ needs. This constitution therefore shall be a guide to the work of all House Committees and residence students of the University of KwaZulu-Natal.




DEFINITIONS

“Residence” shall mean the official residence of University of KwaZulu-Natal.

“Campus” shall mean any of the five Campuses of the University of KwaZulu-Natal.

“HCEP” shall mean the House Committee Electoral Procedures ( Annexure to the House Committee Constitution)

“House Committee” shall mean a committee elected by residence students as contemplated in the House Committee Electoral Procedures.

“Residence Student” shall mean any person registered as a student at the University Residence.

“Residence Notice boards” shall mean notice boards in Residences.

“Student Committee meetings” shall mean meetings of the House Committee
.
“House Meetings” shall mean meetings of all House students convened by the
House Committee.

“Annual General Meeting” shall mean a meeting called once a year by the House
Committee.

“Special Meeting” shall mean any special meeting called and arranged by House
Committee.

“Joint Chairpersons’ Council (JCC)” shall mean all Chairpersons of House
Committees of a Campus convened by the Local SRC Residence Liaison Officer.

“Quorum” shall mean 50% +1 of students attending all general meetings defined in
this document.

“CSRC” shall mean the Central Student Representative Council of the University of
KwaZulu Natal.

“LSRC” shall mean the Local Student Representative Council in each campus.

“RLO” shall mean the Residence Liaison Officer.

“RA” shall mean the Residence Assistant.

“HC” shall mean the House Committee.

1. Name

The committee hereinafter referred to as the HC, shall be the House Committee of any residence in the University of KwaZulu – Natal.

2. Aims and Objectives

The aims and objectives of the House Committee are:

2.1 To contribute towards creating an atmosphere conducive for learning, studying and living in residences.

2.2. To establish effective residence structures that will be representative of residence students’ needs and interests and accountable to residences students.

2.3. To engender accountability to residence students and serve as a means to advance students concerns regarding the University of KwaZulu – Natal Residences.

2.4. To be committed in ensuring the smooth administrative running of the
residence life activities.

2.5. To ensure that there is existing good human relations amongst residence students across racial, ethnic and gender lines.

2.6. To inculcate a sense of service in the residence students.

2.7. To ensure accountability to residence students and the democratic implementation of residence meeting decisions.

3. Composition of House Committees

3.1 The HC shall comprise of the following portfolios:

3.1.1. Chairperson

3.1.2. Secretary

3.1.3. Finance and Projects Officer

3.1.4. HIV/AIDS and Community Development Officer

3.1.5. Sports Arts and Culture Officer

3.1.6. Media and Publicity Officer

3.2. Individual responsibilities and powers of H/C members

3.2.1. Chairperson shall:

3.2.1.1 Exercise supervision over all portfolios, ensuring that at all times members perform their duties efficiently in the best interest of students.

3.2.1.2 Chair meetings of the House or delegate such duty to any member of the House Committee

3.2.1.3 Be a member of the JCC.

3.2.1.4 Be a co -signatory to all transactions of the House Committee.

3.2.1.5 Present a chairperson’s report to the AGM of the House Committee.

3.2.2. Secretary shall:

3.2.2.1 Be the chief administration officer of the HC.

3.2.2.2 Prepare the agenda for the HC as well as the House meetings.

3.2.2.3 Take minutes during the meetings and keep the HC files

3.2.2.4 Organize HC, residence meetings and AGM in consultation with the chairperson.

3.2.2.5 Carry out other duties as delegated by the HC.

3.2.2.6 Present an organizational report to the AGM on behalf of the HC Collective.

3.2.3. Finance and Projects Officer shall:

3.2.3.1 Be responsible for drafting the budget proposal for consideration by the HC and administering the budget.

3.2.3.2 Appropriately allocate a budget guided by students needs.

3.2.3.3 Provide advice to HC on its financial matters.

3.2.3.4 Initiate and implement social awareness programs within residences.

3.2.3.5 Present detailed statements concerning any expenses incurred during the course of the year.

3.2.3.6 Carry out other duties as delegated by HC.

3.2.3.7 Present a financial report to the AGM on behalf of the HC.

3.2.4 Sports Arts and Culture Officer shall:

3.2.4.1 Facilitate sports activities that encompass all sporting codes in the residence.

3.2.4.2 Liaise with other sports officers from other residences so as to co-ordinate inter-residence activities.

3.2.4.3 Liaise with sport union on matters concerning residence sports.

3.2.4.4 Co-ordinate the acquisition and the maintenance of the residence sports equipment.

3.2.4.5 Carry out other duties as delegated by HC.

3.2.4.6 Submit monthly report to the Secretary for the attention of the HC.


3.2.5. Media and Publicity Officer shall:

3.2.5.1 Be the chief editor of the residence publication.

3.2.5.2 Be responsible for the issuing of notices and publications on behalf of the House Committee.

3.2.5.3 Promote the residence and the activities of the House Committee.

3.2.5.4 Carry out other duties as delegated by HC.

3.2.5.5 Submit monthly report to the Secretary for the attention of the HC.


3.2.6. HIV/AIDS and Community Development Officer shall:

3.2.6.1 Initiate and lead the student development programs in the residences on behalf of the H/C,

3.2.6.2 Organize HIV/AIDS related activities and projects on behalf of the House Committee.

3.2.6.3 Initiate and implement hygiene and cleanliness in the residences.

3.2.6.4 Carry out other duties as delegated by HC.

3.2.6.5 Submit monthly report to the Secretary for the attention of the HC.

3.3. House Committee functions and powers

3.3.1 The roles or functions of the HC shall be:

3.3.1.1 To provide leadership in the residence.

3.3.1.2 To play an advocacy role for the interest of residence students.

3.3.1.3 To create a conducive environment for living and learning through the enforcement of discipline and to ensure the safety of students in residences.

3.3.1.4 To work as a substructure of the SRC at a residence level.

3.3.1.5 To engender a culture of dialogue amongst residence students.

3.3.1.6 To disseminate information and be accountable to students for its decisions and actions.

3.3.1.7 To ensure cleanliness in the residences by ensuring that residences are kept neat and clean by informing relevant people and students about areas of concern.

3.3.1.8 To be responsible for the establishment and implementation of extracurricular activities within the confine of the residence.

3.3.1.9 To monitor and report to the SRC and residence students the quality of service with in the residences.

3.3.1.10 To implement policies, rules and procedures according to the objectives of this constitution.

3.2 Holding Office in the HC

3.2.1 Any student who has been registered at the university residence for at least on semester is entitled to be elected and/or appointed into an HC.

3.3 HC Term of Office

3.3.1 The term of office shall be a year.

3.3.2 No individual member may serve on the HC for more than two terms whether consecutively or separately.

3.4. Joint Chairpersons’ Council

3.4.1 Composition

3.4.1.1 Shall be composed of all Chairpersons of HCs in a campus.

3.4.1.2 The Local SRC Residence Liaison Officer shall be the Chairperson and Convener of the Council.

3.4.1.3 In its first sitting, the JCC shall elect its Secretary and assign other duties to other members as may be required by the Programme of Action.

3.4.2 Duties of the JCC

The JCC shall:

3.4.2.1 Be chaired and coordinated by the LSRC RLO.

3.4.2.2 Co-ordinate joint activities, functions and financial affairs of a general nature of the residences.

3.4.2.3 Advance the interest of residence students throughout the campus.

3.4.2.4 Meet monthly and whenever the need arises.

3.4.2.5 All meetings shall require a quorum of 50% + 1 of the JCC.

3.4.2.6 Oversee the fundraising and the administration of the residence emergency funds and the joint activities of the House Committee.

3.4.2.7 Be the policy formulation structure of all residence student structures in each campus.

3.4.2.8 Make proposals for the amendment of the HC constitution and refer the matter to the CSRC which is highest body to amend the constitution for residences.

3.4.2.9 Organize a joint induction for HC in respective campuses.

3.4.2.10 Meet, decide and report to the Residence Council and the SRC the dates for the Residence.

3.4.2.11 Arrive at decisions by consensus. However, where this is not possible, a vote may be taken at which a majority of 50% + 1 shall decide on the issue in question.

3.4.2.12 The convenor shall only vote in the event where there is a tie. The decisions of the JCC shall bind all the residences in that campus.

3.4.2.13 Publicize all the decisions of the JCC through notice boards in residences within three days of the decisions being taken.

4. Residence Meetings:

4.1. Shall be called by HC on quarterly bases.

4.2 Notice of such a meeting shall be given seven (7) days before the meeting by publicizing through notices in the residence notice boards and any other media applicable.

4.3. The HC may call special residence meetings whenever the need arises.

4.4. Attendance at the above residence meetings shall be open to all residence students.

4.5. The Student Housing officials and the Residence Assistants may only attend and have non-voting status in residence meetings when invited by the HC.

4.6. The HC may call a Special General Meeting if petitioned by more than one third of the residence students, provided the items on the agenda clearly indicate the urgency of such a meeting.

5. House Committee Meetings

5.1. HC shall hold regular meetings (at least once a week, or whenever the need arises) and abide by the decisions taken in these meetings.

5.2. Meetings shall be conducted in such a way that enables all members to
participate effectively on the decision-making.

5.3. A quorum shall consist of at least 50% plus 1 members present at a House Committee meeting.

5.4. No member may be absent from the HC meetings without a written apology. Three consecutive absences without an apology shall automatically remove a member from HC.

5.5. The HC can invite any residence student or university student if they feel that she/he will be resourceful for the purpose of that meeting.

5.6. Minutes of all HC meetings shall be taken and kept safely. A copy of the minutes shall be sent to the LSRC RLO.

6. Annual General Meeting

6.1. Each House Committees shall be obliged to convene an AGM not later than the last
week of August of each year.

6.2. The dates for the AGM shall be decided by the LSRC -RLO in a Campus. The details of the AGM, including venue and agenda, shall be published on notice board(s) seven days prior to the meeting. An AGM shall be open to all registered student in a specific residence and shall pass decisions on simple majority vote. Only these students shall vote in the meeting.

6.3 The Chairperson, Secretary and Finance projects Officer shall present reports as contemplated in clauses 3.2.1; 3.2.2 and 3.2.3.

6.4. A quorum of the AGM shall be formed by 50%+1 of Residence students in attendance.

6.5. At the Annual General Meeting, residence students shall receive written reports from
the HC.

6.6. A seven (7) days notice shall be displayed prior to the AGM on the residence notice boards.

7. House Committee Resignation

7.1. A member of a HC may resign at any time provided that a seven (7) days written notice is given to the House Chairperson or Secretary.

7.2. The HC shall through a notice on the residence notice boards or a Residence Meeting, inform House Students of such resignation.

7.3. A member of HC shall forfeit all the rights and privileges of being HC member upon vacating office.

7.4. A member of the HC and JCC shall cease to hold office if and when he/she is not registered student of the university or with a residences

8. Amendments to this Constitution

8.1 All necessary amendments to the House Committee Constitution shall be forwarded by House Committees to the JCC on behalf of residence students.

8.2 The JCC shall forward such proposed amendments to the CSRC and the CSRC shall make final decisions.